In the first few months of 1811, Wellington had turned back yet another French invasion of Portugal at the Lines of Torres Vedras and had gone onto the offensive, pushing Marshal Masséna‘s army all the way back into Spain. However, Masséna arrived back in Spain to find full supply depots waiting for him, enabling him to quickly rebuild his exhausted army.
Inadvertently taking advantage of Wellington’s temporary absence and General Erskine’s incompetence, Massena then managed to force a supply convoy through Allied lines to resupply the French garrison of Ciudad Rodrigo fortress. He also had a supply convoy ready to push through to Almeida fortress, but Wellington had returned and was now blocking the road to Almeida.
Where the road from Ciudad Rodrigo to Almeida crosses the Spanish-Portuguese border, the border is defined by a long, narrow and easily-defensible ridge, dominated by the ruins of the Spanish Fort Concepcion. The fort had changed hands a number of times since 1808, but had finally been blown up by Robert Crauford’s Light Division during the retreat of the previous year. It was along this long ridge that Wellington deployed his army; his left flank resting upon the ruins of Fort Concepcion and the right flank upon the village of Fuentes de Oñoro at the head of the valley of the Dos Casas. A large and well-organised Spanish Partisan Corps under Julian Sanchez held outposts further south, at Poço Velho and Nave del Haver.
On 3rd May 1811, Masséna made a direct assault on Fuentes de Oñoro, which seemed an easier prospect than launching a direct assault across the deep, steeply-sided and wooded valley to the north (and repeating his drubbing at Bussaco the previous year). However, the densely-packed streets and maze of stone walls around the village proved to be a nightmare for the French infantry and they were eventually beaten back with heavy losses.
Massena spent 4th May demonstrating in front of Wellington, pinning the Anglo-Portuguese Army in place while scouting out a better point to attack. The terrain north of Nave del Haver, although boggy, wooded and crossed by several streams, seemed a better bet; particularly as it seemed to be thinly-held only by Spanish partisans. Ordering Reynier’s II Corps to continue demonstrating across the valley in front of Fort Concepçion, Masséna ordered Drouet’s IX Corps to renew the assault on 5th May, while Loison’s VI Corps and Junot’s VIII Corps (reduced to only one division), together with the bulk of the army’s cavalry under Montbrun, moved south to hook around Wellington’s right flank at Nave del Haver.
Suspecting that something was afoot, Wellington moved Houston’s 7th Division and Cotton’s Cavalry Reserve south to extend his right flank, to occupy Poço Velho and to support Sanchez. However, as dawn rose on the 5th, the seriousness of the situation quickly became apparent! Ordering the 7th Division to retreat immediately across the River Turones, Crauford’s Light Division was sent to cover the withdrawal
It’s here that our scenario starts on the morning of 5th May 1811; Houston’s 7th Division and Cotton’s cavalry are out on a limb, though Wellington can’t afford to send too much to support them, or he’ll risk fatally weakening the position at Fuentes de Oñoro.
This scenario is designed for Napoleon’s Battles rules, which is a ‘grand-tactical’ ruleset where each tactical unit represents a brigade (roughly 1:100 figure ratio). It would also be easily convertible to a similarly-scaled set of rules, such as Age of Eagles. I have also run this scenario at a much larger scale, at 1:20 ratio using General de Brigade rules, during the third and final AB Figures Wargames Weekend in 2001, though the large map made it difficult! Even with 16-foot tables, I still had to compress the frontage by a few feet to fit the entire battle in! The battle also lends itself well to breaking up into smaller scenarios; e.g. the retreat of 7th Division, with the Light Division marching to the rescue and the assault on Fuentes de Oñoro village.
71st (Highland) Light Infantry
Briefing – Lieutenant General Viscount Wellington
Strategic Situation, April to May 1811
Wellington
Once again, you have managed to eject a French army from Portugal. This time it was a combination of delaying actions, ‘scorched earth’ tactics and of course your fortified defence lines at Torres Vedras that decided the issue. That notwithstanding, Marshal Masséna, the Prince of Essling somehow managed to stay camped before your lines for many weeks before being compelled to retire. How he managed to find forage in that devastated land, you will never know. Indeed, it would seem that French soldiers can even eat grass when necessary!
With the shattered French ‘Army of Portugal’ sent scurrying back to Ciudad Rodrigo and Salamanca you had anticipated that Marshal Masséna would not be able to put another army into the field again until at late Summer at the earliest. Indeed, there could surely be hardly a single horse left alive in Masséna’s army, as they all seemed to be lying dead along the Salamanca road (or in the soldiers’ bellies). Therefore, having seen the last Frenchman stagger back into Spain, you felt secure enough to leave your army under Spencer’s command, with instructions to blockade Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo, but to avoid contact with any French field army until you returned (full investment of these fortresses being impossible, as you have no heavy artillery train). With these instructions issued you departed for Extremadura, there to hold conference with Beresford, Blake and Castaños (to discuss operations in that province against Marshal Soult and the fortress of Badajoz).
Upon your return to the army two weeks later, it came as something of a surprise to learn that the idiot Erskine had allowed not only a French supply train to pass into Ciudad Rodrigo unmolested, but had stood idly by while Marchand’s division had also marched into the city! Erskine (a confirmed lunatic) was foisted upon you by Horse Guards to command the Light Division during Crauford’s absence. Thankfully, Crauford has just returned to the army, allowing you to quietly shift Erskine into a line division – blockading Almeida ought to keep him out of harm’s (and your) way.
However, Erskine’s blunder has had further ramifications. Using Ciudad Rodrigo as a base, Marchand is patrolling aggressively and is actively preventing further attempts at blockade. Incredibly, it would seem that Masséna has already managed to refit his army and is once again on the march. According to the spy Mirador in Salamanca, the depots in Salamanca were stuffed full when Masséna’s army staggered in, thus enabling him to quickly get his men back on their feet. He has since been joined by additional troops from the Duke of Istria’s ‘Army of the North’, and has been able to assemble a supply convoy which he now plans to force through your lines to relieve General Brennier’s beleaguered garrison at Almeida.
With a blockade of Ciudad Rodrigo now impossible, all that can be done is to frustrate Masséna’s relief attempts long enough for Brennier to be starved out of Almeida. The line you have selected to defend lies just to the south of the ruined Fort Concepçion and lies roughly north-south along the Spanish-Portuguese border, straddling the main road between Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida. This position is reasonable as to the front of the left wing runs the deep ravine of the River Dos Casas, while the right wing is protected by the defensible village of Fuentes de Oñoro. The line is rather long; about seven miles in all, though it will be difficult for Masséna to turn a flank, as to the left (north) lie mountains and deep ravines, while to the right (south) there is a tangle of streams, bogs and woods. A frontal assault across the Dos Casas would surely result in another Bussaco. The main disadvantage to the position is the gorge of the River Coa, which lies directly to your rear. Any retreat would entail either the passage of the single narrow bridge at Castello Bom (too frightful to contemplate) or the larger bridge just to the south of Almeida, which would run the risk of serious casualties from Brennier’s fortress guns.
Portuguese 1st (Lippe) Infantry Regiment
Tactical Situation, 3rd to 5th May 1811
At last on the 3rd, the alarm is raised; the Light Division and cavalry have encountered Masséna’s advance guard and are falling back to your main line. It is not long before the French columns begin to appear on the crest of the ridge opposite. The main enemy strength (of approximately one infantry corps, plus cavalry in divisional strength) seems to be opposite Fuentes de Oñoro, though there are two or three divisions opposite Campbell’s 6th Division and Erskine’s 5th Division, to the north.
Toward late afternoon on the 3rd, the French begin to develop an attack; two divisions of infantry advance into Fuentes de Oñoro, where the high stone walls and barricades are bitterly contested by the massed light companies of 1st & 3rd Divisions, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Williams of the 60th Rifles. However, Williams is soon wounded in the fierce and confused street fighting and the light companies are forced to concede ground. With the light companies now only managing to hold on to the top of the village, centred on the church, Cadogan’s 71st Highland Light Infantry charge into the town and sweep the French back across the Dos Casas.
There are no more French attacks that evening, though the Light Division is moved into reserve behind Fuentes de Oñoro as a preventative measure, alongside 1st, 3rd and 7th Divisions who are already concentrated there with Ashworth’s Portuguese, the cavalry and the bulk of the artillery.
Apart from a little desultory skirmishing across the river, very little happens on the 4th. However, there are ominous movements beyond the main French line, which suggest that the French are shifting their strength to their left in preparation for a renewed assault. To guard against any surprises on your right, Sanchez is ordered to extend his scouts out beyond the village of Nave del Haver. Meanwhile, Houston’s 7th Division (consisting largely of light infantry) and Cotton’s Cavalry Division, with Bull’s Troop, Royal Horse Artillery under command, are sent to guard the Poço Velho sector. The garrison of Fuentes de Oñoro is stiffened with two veteran regiments, the 71st and the 79th.
It is now dawn on the 5th; a courier has just arrived with disturbing news; the Spanish have encountered French cavalry in divisional strength near Nave del Haver and have been put to flight having hardly fire a shot, damn them! You now realise your error, which could well prove fatal for Houston’s 7th Division; they are isolated, inexperienced, in the open and are faced by a large enemy force of all arms, many times their number. Slade’s and Arendschildt’s cavalry ought to be able to the delay the French somewhat, but it will take more than that to rescue Houston! Summoning Crauford to your headquarters, you give him your orders…
14th Light Dragoons
Centre & Right of the The Anglo-Portuguese Army
Lieutenant General, Viscount Wellington
14”G(10)+3D
(7 Free Rolls)
[10M]
Cavalry Division – Lieutenant General Stapleton Cotton 5”E(7)+2 [1F]
Slade’s Brigade 12 BrHC [4D]
Arendschildt’s Brigade 12 BrLC [5D]
Bull’s Troop RHA Br6#
Ross’ Troop RHA Br6#
1st Division – Major General Sir Brent Spencer 4”A(5)+0 [3F]
Stopford’s Guards Brigade 16 BrGD [5D]
Nightingales’ Brigade (Highlanders) 16 BrLN [6D]
Howard’s Brigade (inc. 71st) 16 BrLT [6D]
Von Löwe’s KGL Brigade 16 BrLN [6D]
3rd Division – Major General Sir Thomas Picton 5”E(8)+2 [2F]
MacKinnon’s Brigade 16 BrLN [6D]
Colville’s Brigade 16 BrLN [6D]
Power’s Portuguese Brigade 16 PtLN [8D]
Williams’ Massed Light Companies 16 BrLT [6D]
7th Division – Major General William Houston 4”A(6)+0 [1F]
Sontag’s Brigade (inc. Brunswickers & Chass. Britanniques) 20 BwLT [10D]
Doyle’s Portuguese Brigade 16 PtLN [8D]
Light Division – Brigadier General Robert Crauford 5”E(8)+2 [1F]
Beckwith’s Brigade 16 BrLT [6D]
Drummond’s Brigade 20 BrLT [8D]
Independent Brigade – Brigadier General Charles Ashworth 3”A(5)+0 [1F]
Ashworth’s Portuguese Brigade 20 PtLN [10D]
Spanish Partisan Corps – General Julian Sanchez 3”G(6)+0 [1F]
Partisan Cavalry 12 SpIRC [8D]
Partisan Infantry 16 SpGRL [11D]
Notes
1. Bull’s & Ross’ Troops RHA may start the game attached to Cotton, Houston or Crauford, at Wellington’s discretion.
2. The British cavalry numbers incorporate Barbacena’s very weak Portuguese cavalry brigade.
3. Sontag’s Brigade of Houston’s 7th Division had around 900 British Light Infantry (51st & 85th Regiments) and around 1,400 men from the Chasseurs-Britanniques and Brunswick-Oels Regiments. These latter regiments allegedly suffered from rather serious discipline problems and as they represent the majority of the brigade, I’ve classed the unit was Brunswick Light Infantry (BwLT), as they have slightly lower stats than British Light Infantry (BrLT) in Napoleon’s Battles.
4. The Spanish Guerrillas do not count toward overall army strength or against army morale.
5. Wellington may use the optional rule that allows him to be given a ‘React’ marker, as for cavalry, in lieu of a normal move. Wellington may then spend his React marker to move in one of the Reacting Cavalry phases.
Le Légion du Midi
Briefing – Maréchal André Masséna, Prince d’Essling
Strategic Situation, April to May 1811
Masséna at Wagram, 1809
In the past few months, you have seen your army dashed against the ‘Stone Wall’ of the English army at Bussaco, you have seen your army starve before the walls of Lisbon and you have seen your army bled white by the long march back to Salamanca. The Army of Portugal has never before been in such a terrible state of repair; regiments down to merely weak battalion strength, cavalry regiments with only enough horses to mount a single squadron and batteries fully equipped with guns, limbers and caissons full of ammunition, but no horses to pull them. Worse still, you have now been pushed well back into Spain, leaving isolated garrisons in the fortresses of Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo.
Having arrived back at Salamanca, you have found replacements to make good your losses and the lads have been issued the last six months’ back pay, which has raised their spirits more than any victory. You have also had two weeks respite in which the men subsequently spent their back pay and are therefore ‘rested’ and eager to get back into the fight (at least that’s what they say to your face). However, the Duke of Istria has so far only delivered one-tenth of the supplies he had promised and has sent only two cavalry brigades and a handful of draught horses out of his entire ‘Army of the North’ (which he says he needs to maintain control of Castile and Léon). Worst of all; the bastard poseur has come along in person to ‘assist’ you in your campaign. He will undoubtedly attempt to lead his Guard Cavalry Brigade in a glorious charge (after the moment of victory, of course!) and thereby attempt to steal your laurels. That preening, hair-powdering fool has never forgiven you for gaining your principality at Essling!
Back to the campaign: thanks to the uncharacteristically slow response of the British Light Division ‘Grasshoppers’, you have already managed to get a convoy of supplies, plus Marchand’s division, into the fortress of Ciudad Rodrigo, thereby saving that garrison. You now have a second convoy ready to push through to Brennier’s besieged garrison at Almeida.
Your army is once again on the march and is in pretty good shape, having been further reinforced by Fournier’s excellent (though painfully weak) cavalry brigade. However, Junot’s VIII Corps is down to just one division and Drouet’s IX Corps (consisting of a mixture of raw 4th battalions) has been screening Wellington’s army since your retreat. They have not had a chance to rest and are not in good shape at all.
As you advance toward Almeida, the British Light Division and cavalry steadily fall back, skirmishing all the way and inflicting a steady trickle of casualties on your voltigeurs and light cavalry. At last Marchand, leading your vanguard, reports that he has discovered the main English position, stretched over five miles along the ridge between the ruined Fort Concepçion and the village of Fuentes de Oñoro. The English position is protected along its front by the River Dos Casas, which carves out a deep ravine as it flows north from Fuentes de Oñoro and forms a significant obstacle. However, to Wellington’s rear is the almost-impassable gorge of the River Coa. If Wellington is compelled to retreat, he will be forced to cross either the bridge at Almeida (under Brennier’s fortress guns) or at Castello Bom, where the bridge is extremely narrow and forms a significant choke-point. A British withdrawal will therefore at the very least, inflict a significant loss in baggage and artillery upon Wellington, thus crippling his attempts at offence for the remainder of the year.
However, risking a frontal assault across the ravine of the Dos Casas carries with it the risk of another Bussaco, while the depth of the ravine to the north of Fort Concepçion makes an envelopment of the English left impossible. The only options left open to you are; to assault Wellington’s right flank strongpoint of Fuentes de Oñoro where the valley is much more shallow, or alternatively to attempt an even wider flanking movement using your superior numbers of cavalry and roll up Wellington’s right flank from the south (though the boggy and wooded terrain in this area will make co-ordination extremely difficult).
5ème Hussards
Tactical Situation, 3rd to 5th May 1811
Having spread your army widely across your front to keep the English guessing, you launched your first assault against Fuentes de Oñoro on the 3rd. Ferey’s and Marchand’s divisions were heavily engaged against Wellington’s élite ‘Grasshoppers’ and ‘Amazons’ for most of the evening in bitter house-to-house fighting, but were eventually pushed back across the Dos Casas with significant losses. However, Ferey has managed to retain possession of the houses on the eastern side of the stream, which will serve as a useful launching-point for a future assault.
It has now become clear that Wellington has moved his main strength into position behind Fuentes de Oñoro, though significant forces still remain to the north, thus preventing Reynier’s II Corps and Junot’s VIII Corps from exploiting this shift of position by the enemy. It is time to enact the contingency plan; Montbrun has discovered the right flank of the English line, which is placed at the village of Nave del Haver, some four miles to the south of Fuentes de Oñoro. This outpost consists of little more than a few Spanish irregulars (probably of Don Sanchez’s guerrilla band), while there is a small garrison of English and Portuguese infantry in Poço Velho, approximately two miles to the south of Fuentes de Oñoro. There is little else in this area, other than the occasional cavalry picquet.
Marshal Bessières
You have spent the whole of the 4th shifting your divisions quietly to the south. While Reynier’s II Corps and Drouet’s IX Corps have remained demonstrating before the enemy, Junot’s VIII Corps has been pulled out of the right wing, to form the reserve for your flanking movement. Loison’s VI Corps (less Ferey’s division) is also on the march; its mission being to overcome opposition at Poço Velho and outflank the English position at Fuentes. Montbrun, with all cavalry under command (except Reynier’s and the Guard) is to widely outflank the English position, cover Loison’s left flank, and threaten Wellington’s lines of communication. Once the English right wing is fully engaged, Drouet will strike the killing blow through Fuentes de Oñoro.
It is now dawn on 5th May. The Duke of Istria has disappeared. He’s probably off somewhere trying to get himself some glory! At least he is no longer standing on your shoulder offering ‘advice’ and questioning your every decision. In the distance, the crackle of gunfire announces that Montbrun has made contact with the enemy…
1er Chevauxléger-Lanciers de la Garde
Centre & Left Of The French Army Of Portugal
Maréchal André Masséna, Prince d’Essling
14”E(10)+2D
(8 Free Rolls)
[10M]
VI Corps – Général de Division Louis Henri Loison 8”G(6)+1 [3F]
Division of Général de Division Jean Gabriel Marchand 4”E(7)+1
Maucune’s Brigade 16 FrLT [8D]
Chemineau’s Brigade 16 FrLN [8D]
Division of Général de Division Julien Mermet 4”A(6)+0
Menard’s Brigade 28 FrLN [14D]
Taupin’s Brigade 28 FrLN [14D]
Division of Général de Division Claude François Ferey 4”G(8)+1
1st Brigade (inc. Légions du Midi & Hanovrienne) 16 FrLT [8D]
2nd Brigade 16 FrLN [8D]
VIII Corps – Général de Division André Junot, Duc d’Abrantes 9”G(6)+0 [1F]
Division of Général de Division Jean-Baptiste Solignac 3”A(6)+1
1st Brigade 24 FrLN [12D]
Thomières’ Brigade (inc. Régiment Irlandais) 20 FrLN [10D]
IX Corps – Général de Division Jean Baptiste Drouet d’Erlon 9”G(5)+1 [3F]
Division of Général de Division Michel Claparède 3”G(7)+1
1st Brigade 16 FrPLT [10D]
2nd Brigade 16 FrPLN [10D]
Massed Grenadiers & Carabiniers of IX Corps 16 FrGN [6D]
Division of Général de Division Nicolas Conroux de Pepinville 3”A(5)+0
1st Brigade 16 FrPLT [10D]
2nd Brigade 24 FrPLN [14D]
Army Reserve
Reserve Cavalry Division – Général de Division Louis Pierre Montbrun 4”E(8)+2 [2F]
Cavrois’ Brigade (Dragoons) 8 FrLC [4D]
D’Ornano’s Brigade (Dragoons) 8 FrLC [4D]
Fournier’s & Lamotte’s Brigades (Chasseurs, Hussars & Dragoons) 12 FrLC [6D]
Wathier’s Cavalry Brigade (Chasseurs & Hussars) 12 FrLC [6D]
Reserve Artillery
Foot Battery Fr12#
Horse Battery Fr4#
The Army of The North (-) – Maréchal Jean-Baptiste Bessières, Duc d’Istrie 4”E(6)+1 [1F]
Lepic’s Imperial Guard Cavalry Brigade 12 FrGLC [4D]
Garde Volante-Batterie FrG6#
Notes
1. Montbrun’s Reserve Cavalry Division may be commanded by Masséna, Loison or Junot.
2. Fournier’s IX Corps Cavalry Brigade and Lamotte’s VI Corps Cavalry Brigade were both very weak and have therefore been combined as a single unit. They were placed under Montbrun’s command, along with Wathier’s Brigade from the Army of the North.
3. The Reserve Artillery Batteries must be assigned to divisions at the start of the game.
4. Bessières had absented himself from the battlefield to look at some entrenchments (!). In his absence, Lepic (to Masséna’s fury) absolutely refused to move the Guard Cavalry without explicit orders from his Marshal. Bessières’ Division (Lepic’s Guard Cavalry and the Guard Horse Battery) may not therefore be moved until Bessières arrives (on French Turn 10 Bessières is simply placed on the table within 4 inches of his units). Bessières may only activate using his own initiative rating of 6 and may not be activated by the C-in-C in the normal manner. Bessières’ units may not be led by attaching the C-in-C. From Turn 10 onward, these units may however, conduct half-moves in the normal manner if Bessières fails to activate.
5. Wathier’s Cavalry Brigade belongs to Bessières’ Army of the North, though has thankfully been placed under Montbrun’s command and does not suffer the restrictions placed on the rest of Bessières’ command. As Bessières largely absented himself from this battle, he may not re-take command of Wathier during this scenario.
6. Ferey’s Division is temporarily detached from Loison’s VI Corps and starts the scenario under Masséna’s direct control.
Le Légion Hanovrienne
Terrain Notes
Above: Terrain Map (each grid-square is 1km and in Napoleon’s Battles represents 12 inches square).
Above: Deployment Map.
Each orange square on the map is a built-up sector and may be occupied by one infantry unit and has a defensive modifier of +3.
The River Turones, running south from Villar Formoso, is only passable to artillery at the river crossings marked where tracks cross the river (a mix of fords and bridges). It is fordable to infantry and cavalry along its entire length as Rough Ground. All other streams are fordable to all troops as Rough Ground.
The woodland shown on the map comprises boggy cork-oak thickets and is impassable to artillery, except on roads. Other troop types may pass through woodland as Rough Ground.
42nd (Royal) Highlanders (Black Watch)
Deployment
Troops must be deployed within their deployment areas shown above, but may be shifted up to six inches from their starting positions, though no closer to enemy units. Units may be deployed in any formation or facing.
Commanders and artillery units may be deployed anywhere within their army’s deployment zone, but no closer to the enemy than the closest formed unit in that formation.
Game Length & Sequence
The game starts with the French 0700hrs turn.
The game ends with the Allied 1630hrs turn (Turn 20).
The only reinforcement for either side is Marshal Bessières, who may be placed on table within 4 inches of his units (Lepic’s Guard Cavalry Brigade and the Guard Horse Battery) at the start of the French 1130hrs turn (Turn 10).
Victory Conditions
There is only one victory condition: The French must force Wellington to retreat by breaking Allied Army Morale. Any other result will be classed as an Allied victory.
Unit Labels for Napoleon’s Battles
My good mate, lapsed wargamer and former Best Man, Gary P was recently browsing this blog. As a long-serving senior officer of Her Majesty’s Armed Forces, a veteran of numerous wars and operations, a Staff College graduate and having undertaken staff-rides and battlefield tours with worthies as illustrious as Brigadier Richard Holmes, I awaited his professional military assessment of my writings…
Above: An Armoured Squadron, equipped with 
Above: A Mechanised Infantry Company equipped with 
British infantry companies followed the familiar ‘triangular’ pattern of three Platoons, each with 3x Sections. Each Section consisted of 8-10 men, plus the FV432 APC and its crew of two and was led by a Corporal. The core of the Section was the belt-fed 
Platoon HQs usually included an 
Above: An Armoured Squadron Group, comprising an Armoured Squadron HQ, with three Armoured Troops and a Mech Infantry Platoon.
Above: A Mech Infantry Company Group, consisting of a Mech Infantry Company HQ, two Mech Infantry Platoons and an Armoured Troop.
Above: An Armoured Regiment’s Close Recce Troop. From the mid-1970s until December 1982, all close recce tasks were handled by the Medium Recce Regiments, who in wartime would attach a Troop to each Armoured Regiment and Mech Infantry Battalion. However, this proved unworkable in practice, so the Close Recce elements were handed back and the Medium Recce Regiments in Germany then concentrated on the ‘Covering Force Battle’.
Above: A Guided Weapons (‘Swingfire’) Troop. Another element of Armoured Regiment Squadron HQs during this period was the Guided Weapons Troop, which consisted of nine 
Above: A MILAN Detachment. Mech Infantry Battalion’s primary anti-tank element was the support Company’s MILAN Platoon, which consisted of 16 
Above: An Armoured Engineer Troop. For heavier Sapper needs, 32 Armoured Engineer Regiment would provide the goods! The regiment had three Squadrons, each initially of three Troops and an FV180 CET Troop. Each Troop had an AVRE Section with three 
Above: A Royal Artillery Light Air Defence Section. To provide some local, short-range air defence for the Battlegroup, I’ve got a Royal Artillery Light Air Defence Section, consisting of a pair of 
Above: A Royal Artillery Forward Observation Officer (FOO). Every Infantry Company or Armoured Squadron Group in 1 (Br) Corps would have a FOO Team attached; either from the divisional Field Artillery Regiments or from supplementary Forward Observation Batteries (many of these would be provided by the TA). The normal OP vehicle was the FV432, often fitted with a dismountable thermal-imaging sight on the commander’s hatch, in lieu of a GPMG. A ground-surveillance radar set was also carried (which seems to have been used dismounted – I’ve never seen a photo or heard of one mounted on a vehicle).
Divisional guns were a 50/50 split of Abbott self-propelled 105mm guns and M109 self-propelled 155mm guns. 1st Armoured Division had two Regiments of M109 and one of Abbott. That ratio was reversed in 4th Armoured Division. 3rd Armoured Division had one Regiment of each. Each Regiment had four batteries, each of six guns (theoretically increased to eight guns in wartime).
Above: An RAF Forward Air Controller. This chap, wearing RAF beret and glasses, mopping his brow and looking completely out of his depth, reminds me of someone…
Here are the links to my previous posts on my Cassinga Raid game:
However, during a demonstration of this concept during a landing exercise, Field Marshal Montgomery demanded to know why these tanks were not advancing from their beached landing craft. Incensed by the reply, he demanded that the Centaurs be re-engined with immediate effect. This order was successfully carried out, although the Centaur’s underpowered and unreliable Liberty engine arguably didn’t provide them with much more mobility…
Vehicles were mostly painted SCC 15 Olive Drab, though a few were still painted in SCC 2 Service Drab (i.e. brown), which was the standard colour for all vehicles in the UK from 1941-1944, when it was replaced by SCC 15. The short timeframe between the switch to SCC 15 and the Normandy Landings meant that a lot of British and Canadian vehicles were still painted SCC 2 in Normandy. I must confess that I painted mine about 30 years ago, and foolishly believed someone when he told me that ‘all British tanks were painted Bronze Green’, hence the slightly dark and bluish shade of green used here (which is Humbrol 75 (Bronze Green)… 🙁 I’m absolutely not going to repaint these in the correct shade of green… Nowadays I use Humbrol 75 as the base colour, with Humbrol 159 Khaki Drab to represent SCC 15. For SCC 2 I used Humbrol 29 Dark Earth.
As mentioned above, the RMASG was disbanded just two weeks into the campaign. However, twelve of the Centaurs and some of the Shermans were passed to 53rd (Worcestershire Yeomanry) Airlanding Light Regiment RA, 6th Airborne Division, which until that point was equipped with 75mm Pack Howitzers. The Centaurs were initially split between two of the regiment’s existing batteries but were eventually grouped as a new battery, designated ‘X’ Battery.
I’m in trouble with Mrs Fawr… The lockdown means that I’ve been painting 
Above: I painted the Duke of Brunswick for my 1815 collection a few years ago, when AB brought him out for the 1815 Bicentennial. However, as he was killed at the Battle of Quatre-Bras, command of the Brunswick Corps passed to Oberst von Olfermann and so you need another Brunswick command figure for Waterloo. I had been using a spare Brunswick Hussar officer figure for Olfermann, but AB Figures brought out a set of three new Brunswick staff officers last year, so I had to buy them…
Above: The ‘Black Duke’ of Brunswick is the one wearing the kaftan and floppy hat. The uniform of the Duke and his staff was very similar to that of the Brunswick Hussar Regiment; namely a plain black hussar uniform, with black braid, black buttons, sky-blue collar and trouser-stripes and silver death’s-head motifs (the whole ensemble was chosen to symbolise mourning for the death of the Duke’s father at the Battle of Auerstädt in 1806 and for the occupation of his country by the French). Brunswick staff officers apparently had gold lace edging to the collar and cuffs; that of the Hussar Regiment was black.
Above: Oberst Olfermann here wears an undress cap that was worn as a more comfortable alternative to the shako (or cocked hat, in the case of senior officers). As a senior field officer, his collar and cuffs are edged with silver lace. I’ve also given his shabraque silver lace edging, though this is conjectural. The green leather gloves were apparently a fashionable affectation adopted by some Brunswick officers.
Above: As I play 
Above: I’ve shown 
Above: As mentioned a few weeks ago, it suddenly occurred to me that the Prussian Hussar ADC figure, with its falling feather plume, would make an excellent Hungarian general in campaign dress, so I painted him up as such.
Above: I then got a little bit carried away and decided to get all my Austrian hussars out of the box…
Above: While we’re at it, here’s the other Hungarian general, which was done with a standard Austrian Hussar officer figure.
Above: And so to the Cossacks… These are absolutely magnificent figures! I’ve lost count of how many pose and dress variations there are within the range; there are eleven different figures here (plus officer) and that’s by no means all of the variants! However, the posing (and the softer metal used by Eureka compared to the harder metal formerly used when production was here in Wales) means that the cast lances wouldn’t last five minutes in my clumsy hands. So for the first time ever, I decided to replace all the lances in the unit with steel spears. These are 50mm spears from North Star, cut down to 35mm (however, North Star have now stopped selling these).
Above: After much drilling, gluing and swearing, I finally re-speared the Cossacks. Only another 48 to do… 🙁
Above: The Cossacks mounted on their ponies and awaiting paint.
Above: The finished Cossack Pulk, plus Hetman Platov (on the white horse, waving a mace).
Above: I decided to do these as Don Cossacks; like most Cossack hosts, the Don Cossacks wore a fairly bright blue uniform (with varying degrees of uniformity).
Above: I could also have painted them in various shades of ‘civvy’, but decided to go with a fairly uniform look.
Above: The distinguishing facing colour of the Don Cossacks was red (with red lances), though period prints and paintings show this to be worn fairly sporadically. Trouser-stripes seem to have been fairly universal and busby-bags and cap-bands were generally in the facing colour. I’ve given the tunics of this mob a random selection of red collars and/or cuffs, or just piping or nothing at all.
Above: Some figures have full shabraques, so I’ve given those a red edging – silver for the officer (Cossack shabraques also had red diagonal stripes across the corners). There is a very nice selection of random headgear on these chaps; from full-dress busbies with cords and bags (plumed in the case of the officer), plain busbies, tall floppy cloth caps and a sort of ‘false busby’ (i.e. a stovepipe shako with cords and ‘bag’ – seen on the left-hand figure above).
Above: I found some Don Cossack flags on line and printed them off (I’m lucky enough to have my own laser-printer). However, I’m not really happy with the quality of this one, so I’ll have a search for some higher-resolution flags and replace this at some stage.
Notes on Tank Brigade Organisation
The Foot Guards had various unique, quirky and non-standard designations for companies and squadrons. The 4th Grenadiers and 4th Coldstreamers each numbered their squadrons 1, 2 & 3, while the 3rd Scots opted for the rather bizarre ‘Right Flank’, ‘Left Flank’ and ‘S’ Squadrons. This led to some strange conversations with officers from other regiments, who were easily (and understandably) baffled by statements such as “Right Flank Squadron is over there, on the left flank.”
Sometime shortly after the end of the Normandy Campaign, all independent Armoured Brigades and Tank Brigades were ordered to adopt the standard marking scheme shown here, which was already in use by the Armoured Brigades of Armoured Divisions. However, this order was only sporadically obeyed. There is photographic evidence to show that 6th Guards Tank Brigade obeyed the order, though kept the white ‘Army Troops’ bar beneath the sign. I don’t know if 34th Tank Brigade ever obeyed the order.
The Churchill Mk IV had exactly the same armament and the same hull as the Mk III, though had a cheaper, cast turret with a distinctive rounded profile. This turret would also go on to be used in the Mk V and Mk VI (as well as Mks IX-XI, which were up-armoured Mks IV-VI but never saw active service during WW2).
The Churchill Mk V was essentially the same tank as the Mk IV, though had a 95mm Close Support Howitzer as its main armament. Each Tank Squadron HQ had a pair of these and this remained essentially unchanged throughout the campaign.
The Churchill Mk VI, as mentioned above, was the 75mm-armed variant of the Churchill Mk IV. Many Mk IVs were upgraded with 75mm guns and are commonly referred to as ‘Mk VI’, but proper Churchill Mk VI tanks were factory-built as such. Factory-built Mk VI tanks eventually became the majority Churchill type in NW Europe as they replaced Mk III* and Mk IV (75mm) combat-losses.
The Churchill Mk VII was a significant improvement on earlier Churchill marks, with a completely redesigned composite (part-cast, part-welded) turret and an improved hull. The turret looked somewhat similar to that of the Mk III, but had a thick ‘rim’ around the bottom edge and ‘cheeks’ either side of the gun-mantlet. The hull’s rectangular side-hatches and MG port were now replaced by circular versions. The biggest improvement was in terms of armour-protection, which exceeded that of the Tiger I. However, the main gun was still the standard 75mm, which meant that if two Churchill Mk VIIs squared off against one-another, they would struggle to knock the other out…
The Churchill Mk VII Crocodile was a further development of the Mk VII to create a formidable flamethrower tank. The most obvious difference between a standard Mk VII and a Crocodile was that the Crocodile was equipped with an articulated armoured trailer to keep the flamethrower-fuel and propellant gas safely OUTSIDE the tank… The other difference was that the hull machine gun was replaced by the superlative flame-projector. This meant that the Crocodile, unlike most other flamethrower tanks, retained a turreted main gun that could be used for long-ranged engagements.
One regiment of 31st Tank Brigade (141st Royal Armoured Corps or ‘141 RAC’) was equipped with Crocodile in time for the D-Day Landings, though only two Crocodile Troops were landed on 6th June and they only fired some 75mm and MG ammunition – no flames! 141 RAC spent the entire Normandy Campaign largely divorced from their parent brigade, being split up into Squadron, Half-Squadron and Troop-sized detachments, supporting various units. On one occasion they even supported the Americans in assaulting a Napoleonic fortress at Brest. This meant that 31st Tank Brigade had to soldier on with only two Tank Regiments (7 RTR and 9 RTR). Note that 141 RAC was NOT a part of 79th Armoured Division at this time, although it would often work alongside the ‘Funnies’.
However, in September 1944 the 31st Tank Brigade was formally absorbed into 79th Armoured Division as an ‘All-Crocodile’ Brigade. 7 RTR was also now converted to a Crocodile regiment and both they and 141 RAC now wore the triangular yellow badge with the bull’s head of ‘Hobart’s Funnies’. 9 RTR had transferred out to 34th Tank Brigade, but 31st Tank Brigade was finally brought up to strength in November 1944 with the addition of 1st Fife & Forfar Yeomanry as its third Crocodile regiment.
As discussed 
Again, I’m starting with something of an oddball unit, as the Gendarmes d’Élite were more of a military police unit than a cavalry regiment and for the first half of their existence included an infantry element. They were nicknamed ‘The Immortals’ by the rest of the Guard, as they would very rarely be committed to battle. However, they did occasionally fight en masse, particularly from 1812 onward, and did well in battle.
I must admit that these figures, like the Mamelukes, are fairly redundant for me as the Gendarmes were rarely present in sufficient strength to be fielded on table as a separate unit and they’re NEVER going to appear as a 12-figure unit! The highest battlefield strength I can find for them is in September 1813, when they had 536 men present and on-strength. That equates to around 7 figures for 
Shabraque and square valise were dark blue, edged with a double row of white lace and an Imperial Crown badge at the rear corners. Like the Empress’ Dragoons, the Gendarmes d’Élite had three holster-covers on each side of the saffle, again heavily decorated with lace. Like other heavy cavalry regiments, the (dark blue) cloak was normally stowed on top of the valise with the (scarlet) lining exposed. Horses were (ideally) very dark bays.
Trumpeters wore ‘reversed colours’ of a scarlet habit with dark blue lapels, cuffs, tail-turnbacks and scarlet collar, all edged in white lace and with white buttonhole-lace on the lapels. Some sources show a blue collar. The aiguillette, contre-epaulette and trumpet-cord were of mixed crimson & white threads. Some sources show the positions of aiguillette and contre-epaulette as being the same as the rank-and-file, while others show them reversed, as for officers (the figure has them reversed, with the aiguillette on the right shoulder). Plume was scarlet with a white tip. Equipment and horse-furniture was the same as for the rank-and-file. On campaign a surtout could again be worn in lieu of the habit. This seems to have initially been sky-blue with crimson facings and white lace, but changed to match the habit colour of scarlet with blue facings and white lace.
The trumpeter’s uniform changed during Royal service in 1814/15 to a sky-blue habit with crimson facings, laced as before. This was worn with a bicorne hat that was edged in white lace and a fringe of alternating crimson & white ostrich-feathers. This was topped off with a tall white plume. Horse furniture was now sky-blue with white lace as before. This uniform was worn during the 1815 Campaign.
This regiment was formed in 1806 from selected cavalry troopers of the Line and officers from the Chasseurs & Grenadiers à Cheval de la Garde. Initially comprising three squadrons, with a total strength of just over 800 men, the regiment was presented by Napoleon to his wife and titled La Régiment de Dragons de l’Impératrice (The Empress’ Dragoon Regiment). Following its baptism of fire during the Battles of Eylau and Friedland in 1807, the regiment was expanded to five squadrons, with a little over 1,250 men. The regiment was rapidly reformed in 1813 following massive losses in Russia and was increased to six squadrons, though the 5th and 6th Squadrons were designated as Young Guard. Following Napoleon’s abdication in 1814, the regiment was incorporated into the restored Royal Guard. In 1815 they returned to the Eagles and fought at Ligny and Waterloo.
The uniform consisted of a dark green habit, with white lapels, green collar, scarlet tail-turnbacks and scarlet cuffs, white cuff-flaps and brass buttons. An aurore aiguillette was worn on the right shoulder and an aurore contre-epaulette was worn on the left shoulder. The tail-turnbacks were decorated with aurore grenade badges, outlined in white. The habit could be replaced on campaign with a simpler single-breasted surtout, which was coloured the same as the habit, except that it lacked lapels and cuffs.
And so to the last one: Although originally raised as light cavalry in 1799, the Grenadiers à Cheval ‘properly’ started life in 1800 as the junior regiment of the Consular Guard, with the Chasseurs à Cheval being the senior regiment. Within few months, the regiment distinguished itself at the Battle of Marengo. In 1804 the Grenadiers à Cheval, along with the Chasseurs à Cheval and the Mamelukes, became the cavalry arm of the Imperial Guard. By 1812 the regiment had expanded to five squadrons and over 1,000 men, but the terrible Russian Campaign reduced that number to fewer than 200. Rapidly reconstituted in 1813, the regiment took to the field again with four Old Guard squadrons and two Young Guard Squadrons. With the abdication of Napoleon in 1814, they became part of the restored Royal Guard, but returned to Napoleon’s side in 1815 for their final campaign in Belgium.
The Grenadiers à Cheval were uniformed and equipped very similarly to the Empress’ Dragoons described above, except that the habits, surtouts and shabraques were dark blue instead of green. Details of facing colours, lace, aiguillettes, epaulettes, equipment and officers’ distinctions were all exactly the same as the Empress’ Dragoons. The obvious difference is the headgear: the Grenadiers à Cheval wore a tall black bearskin cap, which was fitted with brass chinscales. On the back of the cap was a red patch, decorated with a cross of aurore lace (gold for officers) and on the left was the national cockade. In full dress a scarlet plume was fitted just above the cockade and aurore flounders were suspended on the right. Aurore cap-lines were also sometimes worn in full dress. Unlike the Empress’ Dragoons, the saddle had only two holster-covers on each side and horses were blacks or very dark bays.
The two Young Guard Squadrons formed in 1813 seem to have worn the ‘undress’ version of the standard Grenadiers à Cheval uniform, namely the plain blue campaign surtout, which had plain collar and cuffs, no lapels and scarlet tail-turnbacks. They didn’t wear the Old Guard aiguillette, but they did have an aurore contre-epaulette on each shoulder. All other aspects of uniform and equipment seem to have been the same as the Old Guard squadrons.
At long last, with the completion of the Mameluke Squadron of the Guard, I’ve finally ‘finished’ my French Imperial Guard… OK, perhaps I might eventually get some greatcoated Old Guard infantry for 1815… and I should probably spruce up those Berg Lancers I’ve got here somewhere… and perhaps add some Young Guard cavalry for 1813… and perhaps some Eclaireurs for 1814… and perhaps the 3rd ‘ex-Hollandais’ Grenadiers for the hell of it… oh and the Neapolitan Guard Horse Artillery were in the Guard for a while… and… oh bugger…
Anyway, until I start adding more, here are the cavalry of my ‘completed’ Imperial Guard. As usual, all models are by 
I’ll start with an oddball unit: the 2ème Gardes d’Honneur. Following the disastrous Russian Campaign of 1812, Napoleon wanted to rapidly expand the cavalry arm, so placed a levy on the nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie of the Empire (including the Netherlands, Belgium and Italy) requiring them to send one of their sons, equipped and mounted, to become a member of his personal bodyguard (a cash levy was imposed on those without sons to send). As an incentive, these new recruits would form part of the Emperor’s ‘personal bodyguard’, would be paid the same as Chasseurs à Cheval of the Guard and after a year would be commissioned as Sous-Lieutenants.
I painted these chaps about 20 years ago and used French Hussar figures, which fit the bill perfectly except for the very minor detail of the shako-badge. These figures have the lozenge-shaped badge of the Hussars, while the Gardes d’Honneur had an eagle & crescent badge. All four regiments wore the same uniform of green dolman with scarlet facings, green pelisse with black fur edging, scarlet breeches and scarlet shako, with all lace and cords white and metalwork silver. Green overall trousers with a red (or white) stripe were worn on campaign. Shako-plumes were green, with pompoms coloured by company (there was no élite company). Shabraques were simple white sheepskins with green vandycked edging, with a green valise, laced white. Belts were white and sabretaches were plain black leather with a silver eagle badge.
The Chevaulégers Polonais de la Garde were initially raised in 1807, though at that time were not equipped with lances. Then in 1809, at the Battle of Wagram, the Chevaulégers Polonais distinguished themselves while in combat against the Austrian 2nd (Schwarzenberg) Regiment of Uhlans, using captured Austrian lances against their former owners with great effect (the lance being the traditional weapon of Polish light horse). Consequently, Napoleon ordered that the regiment be equipped with lances and re-named as the Chevauléger-Lanciers Polonais de la Garde.
In 1810 the creation of the 2nd Regiment of Guard Lancers (see below) meant that the Polish Lancers of the Guard were now designated as the 1er Chevauléger-Lanciers (Polonais) de la Garde. A 3rd Regiment of (Lithuanian) Guard Lancers was briefly raised in 1812, but ceased to exist at the end of the Russian Campaign.
As mentioned above, the 2ème Chevauléger-Lanciers de la Garde were created in 1810, being raised from the Dutch Royal Guard Hussar Regiment. Additional officers were drawn from other Dutch cavalry regiments and further drafts of men were drawn from Dutch hussars serving in Spain. Consequently, this regiment was often known as the ‘Dutch Lancers’. By the time they went into Russia in 1812 the regiment had grown to a colossal 1,400 men.
The uniform of the 2ème Chevauléger-Lanciers de la Garde was arguably one of the most spectacular uniforms of the period, being a scarlet kurtka jacket with dark blue facings, yellow epaulette with blue crescent, yellow aiguillette and yellow metalwork, worn with scarlet trousers with a double blue stripe. This was topped off with a scarlet czapka cap, adorned with yellow lace and the same ‘sunburst’ plate as the Polish Lancers. White plumes and yellow cords were worn in full dress. Lance-pennants were white-over-scarlet and shabraques were dark blue, edged yellow with a scarlet valise, also edged in yellow lace. Dark blue overall trousers with a red stripe were worn on campaign and a simplified ‘undress’ jacket in sky-blue cloth could also be worn as campaign dress. Trumpeters again had a white version of the uniform, but would often wear a simple sky-blue jacket on campaign.
The Chasseurs à Cheval were the oldest regiment of the Imperial Guard, having originally started life in 1796 as General Buonaparte’s Squadron of Guides de l’Armée d’Italie. After becoming part of Napoleon’s Consular Guard in 1800, the Chasseurs were expanded to a regiment of two squadrons in 1801, then to four squadrons in 1802. In 1804 the Consular Guard became the Imperial Guard and the regiment was expanded again t0 five squadrons.
The uniform of the Chasseurs à Cheval de la Garde was of hussar style. The dolman was dark green, with green collar, scarlet cuffs and aurore lace. The pelisse was scarlet with aurore lace and black fur edging. All buttons were brass. Breeches were pale yellow buckskin, but green cloth breeches, laced in aurore could also be worn in some orders of dress. Dark green overall trousers with a red stripe could also be worn on campaign. The black fur colpack had a red bag, piped aurore and had a cockade on the left-side, from which sprouted a green plume with a red tip and a pair of aurore ‘flounders’. Belts were white and the sabre-scabbard was steel and worn with a heavily-embroidered sabretache (which could be replaced on campaign with a black leather version, decorated with a brass eagle badge). Shabraque and valise were dark green and edged in strips of aurore and scarlet lace.
The AB Figures Chasseurs shown at the top are modelled on the appearance of the Chasseurs at the Battle of Austerlitz in 1805 (as shown in the painting above), where the order of dress was to wear their pelisse as a jacket, with the green cloak rolled and worn en bandolier, to provide partial protection from sword-cuts.
Trumpeters had sky-blue dolmans, faced in a pinkish-crimson shade and laced in mixed crimson and gold. These colours were repeated on the bag of the colpack, overall campaign trousers, sabretache and shabraque. The pelisse was pinkish-crimson with black fur edging and mixed crimson & gold lace. Plume was sky blue with a pinkish-crimson tip and flounders were mixed crimson & gold. Some sources have suggested white fur colpacks, but that seems to have been a red-herring, traced back to one Victorian artist (of course, I didn’t find this out before I painted mine…).
the rank and file, except all lace was gold and the fur edging to the pelisse was white. Scarlet breeches could be worn in some orders of dress. Leopard-skin shabraques were also de rigeur among the beau sabreurs of the Chasseurs á Cheval de la Garde! Senior officers might also have white egret plumes.
The Young Guard Squadrons wore the same dolman jacket as the Old Guard Chasseurs, though they were not issued with a pelisse. Dark green cloaks were again commonly worn en bandolier, as shown here. Trousers were dark green with a double aurore stripe. Instead of the fur colpack, the headgear was a scarlet shako, decorated with a brass eagle badge, edged in aurore lace and topped off with an aurore pompom. The tall rouleau style of shako was also worn. Equipment was the same as the Old Guard Squadrons, though the sabretache was of the plain black campaign style. The shabraque and valise were scarlet, edged dark green and the saddle was covered by a white sheepskin, edged in dark green cloth.
This last unit of light cavalry is something of an indulgence on my part and will never see action in a game, other than as an additional stand or two of figures to beef up the strength of the Chasseurs à Cheval de la Garde in some scenarios. Even at their absolute maximum strength, the Mamelukes in game terms would only be represented by 3 figures at the 1:80 ratio I normally game in (using Napoleon’s Battles rules)! In most scenarios, the Mamelukes would only add a single figure (maybe two) to the strength of the Guard Cavalry! However, once I saw these figures, I just HAD to paint them…
The Mamelukes originally started life in 1799 as a company (i.e. half-squadron) of mounted Syrian Janissaries attached to the headquarters of General Kléber. By 1800 they had been reinforced by Mamelukes and increased to a squadron of three companies, totalling 300 men, now titled the Mamluks de la République. Many of these men were then brought back to France a new squadron of Mamelukes was created at Marseille. However, difficulties in obtaining recruits meant that this unit was soon downgraded to a single company. In 1803 the Mamelukes were permanently attached to the Chasseurs à Cheval de la Garde; an association that would last throughout the Napoleonic Wars. In 1813 a second (Young Guard) company was formed from Frenchmen and the Mamelukes were once again designated as a full squadron.
With Napoleon’s abdication in 1814, seven Mamelukes accompanied the Emperor into exile, while the remainder (now reduced to a company again) joined the Royal Guard. By this date, only eighteen ‘true’ Mamelukes were still with the unit and these men were massacred by the population of Marseilles! However, the squadron was formed again in 1815 and 94 former Mamelukes rejoined the unit, which was once again attached to the Chasseurs.
Anyway, that’s it for now. The Guard Heavies are next and that should finally finish off my Guard.